Concepts organize our thinking, reveal or hide aspects of reality and in no case should their use be effortless. Their content, however, is not defined in advance, in theory and a priori, but within real social relations. I am writing this to clarify my position on the dialogue on the use of the term “junta” to describe the current situation. Its use should serve the revelation of reality, aspects of it that remain invisible and its content will be determined within the real movement. Thus, the abstract critique of whether or not we should use this concept does not make much sense. Instead, it should be specific. Who used it? With what political plan? Where; In Exarchia or in a city of the province? Target Audience; What relationship did he manage to create? What mobilization did it strengthen? In some cases its use may favor radicalization, while in others it may benefit maintenance.

I use this title mainly for other reasons. First of all, because there really are people who believe that the junta ended in ’73. Even in announcements of anarchist ventures I read that the period of the junta ends in 1973. There is a historical ignorance here that is not primarily the problem. The problem is that it creates a political ignorance of the causes of the fall of the junta. Ignorance that its consequences are present from then until today and does not favor the anti-state methodology of analysis. The junta did not end with the Polytechnic University of November ’73, although the uprising (like any uprising) affected state policy and created unrest and necessary reshuffles in the regime. There are reasons why it did not end with the uprising and ended in July 1974. This does not negate the fact that the uprising eroded the social and political legitimacy of the junta. But our job is not to remain in a superficial perception of the facts (that there was an uprising which toppled the regime and it collapsed a few months later because of this uprising) but to get as close as possible to the real events. And especially in the relationship of social war with transnational competition – which is a relationship necessary for any of our analysis and extremely relevant today.

The above narrative has been imposed by the Left for its own reasons of hegemony in social struggles, a narrative that makes it present itself as their leadership and as the only real solution to the class policy of the state. Today, we live under the hegemony of the Left narrative and that is why the emphasis is on authoritarianism, the cops and repression. Those who are mobilized by these – otherwise bad – things place themselves in the tail of the Left (with Mera25 trying to become the SYRIZA of ’08).

The junta did not exactly fall. She resigned under the weight of her failure. “It was Sunday night, July 21, 1974, and Undersecretary of State Joseph J. Sisco (Joseph J. Sisco), was in Athens trying to negotiate a ceasefire in Cyprus with Greece and Turkey. Three times he tried to contact Prime Minister Adamantios Androutsopoulos by phone; three times he failed. Then he tried his luck with the acting foreign minister Konstantinos Kypraios; again nothing. In fact, Greece no longer had a government. “[1]

Efforts to expand the Greek state

The attempt to extend the territorial sovereignty of the Greek state in the 20th century has a specific history with successes and failures. All successes were accompanied by successful allied campaigns and post-war diplomatic agreements. The Balkan Wars after which he doubled his territorial territory, the Treaty of Sevres of 1920 where he managed to be the region of Izmir under the Sultan but with Greek administration and the right to referendum after 5 years with a question of union with the Greek state and the annexation of the Dodecanese in 1946-7 after the agreement between the winners and the defeated Italy to which they belonged until then. The failures were accompanied by failures in her foreign policy and especially by moves she made when she was playing more solo. The effort was made with the war of 1919-21 and the battle of Sangari (80km west of Ankara) where the downhill began and ended in the expulsion of Greek-speaking Christian populations in 1922. In the 1950s the Greek state began to support independence of Cyprus from the British by sending George Grivas [2] founding EOKA and the whole long history that unfolded in Cyprus with the aspirations of the Greek state which ended in the coup of July 15, 1074 with EOKA II and the Greek state to seek the de facto union of Greece-Cyprus. The UN described it as a coup and the Turkish state invaded 5 days later with the results known to date.

Until the 1990s, part of the Greek state had various aspirations (or fantasies at least) for territorial expansion to the northern borders or with N. Albania / B. Epirus, either by annexing half of Macedonia in agreement with Serbia to annex the other half (after the break-up of Yugoslavia). This expansion effort was dominated for various reasons by the notion of economic expansion – which did not go very well – and its continuation must be considered the very aggressive and expansionist Prespa Agreement from the first time Left. The most recent expansion project of the Greek state concerns the maritime territory. And specifically all that we call the strategy of the SE Mediterranean with the map of Seville (which has no legal force) and the so-called influence of Kastelorizo. It is not the purpose here to give details of this story. The only thing I would like to dwell on is that this story has emerged from all the governments of the last 10 years with the Left showing great zeal but also having significant successes – since the internal front has been silenced. Concessions for hydrocarbon extraction started from Epirus and the Northern Ionian and ended over the years in the south of Crete, the agreements for the EEZs started with Albania and Italy and the expansion took place at 12 n.m. in the Ionian. In general, SYRIZA had an extremely aggressive foreign policy that every honest nationalist should applaud (especially if we add the Prespa Agreement and all the bilateral / tripartite alliances with all possible players in the region). The only thing I would like to dwell on is that this story has emerged from all the governments of the last 10 years with the Left showing great zeal but also having significant successes – since the internal front has been silenced. Concessions for hydrocarbon extraction started from Epirus and the Northern Ionian and ended over the years in the south of Crete, the agreements for the EEZs started with Albania and Italy and the expansion took place at 12 n.m. in the Ionian. In general, SYRIZA had an extremely aggressive foreign policy that every honest nationalist should applaud (especially if we add the Prespa Agreement and all the bilateral / tripartite alliances with all possible players in the region). The only thing I would like to dwell on is that this story has emerged from all the governments of the last 10 years with the Left showing great zeal but also having significant successes – since the internal front has been silenced. Concessions for hydrocarbon extraction started from Epirus and the Northern Ionian and ended over the years in the south of Crete, the agreements for the EEZs started with Albania and Italy and the expansion took place at 12 n.m. in the Ionian. In general, SYRIZA had an extremely aggressive foreign policy that every honest nationalist should applaud (especially if we add the Prespa Agreement and all the bilateral / tripartite alliances with all possible players in the region).

On the other hand, ND returns to exploratory contacts with Turkey (which SYRIZA cut off in 2016 because it liked it) and made an agreement with Egypt in response to the Turkey-Libya agreement which in fact recognizes that there is no influence in Kastelorizo ​​and Turkey is right. In general, Turkey is already making moves to get closer to Israel and Egypt and in fact did very well in Libya as it did not allow Haftar to win (recognized by the Greek state as an ally). Let’s not talk about East Med better. Even the cable for the EuroAsia Interconnector will not be able to be installed without permission from Turkey as things stand.

The Greece-Egypt agreement

At the moment, then, the Right is under great pressure and in order to strengthen the national mindset, to cement the national core, it is turning the social and transnational war into a political and ideological war against the eternal enemy of communism and the Left. It sells ideology, that is, to 2 and a few million Greeks inside the country and a few hundred thousand abroad that it is preparing to register on the electoral rolls to win the elections. We saw it in Evros where it managed to sell the image of the invasion. We see it with the increasing targeting of the castles of the Left (asylum, universities, demonstrations, etc.), in the case of Koufontina, in the doctrine of Law and Order. It should explain to its citizens, if it loses, that the SE Mediterranean is not a Greek sea and the Aegean is not a Greek lake but international waters. All this is very difficult and can not be said after so many decades of lies or stupid Greek-Greek pursuits. The issue should be resolved in such a way that there seems to be no other choice (international courts combined with a few days of war involvement seems the most likely scenario). The Left, of course, is comfortable with this narrative to address the rest of the electorate, which is the one that raises and lowers governments. That is why he has used the terms about the junta, about bad cops and authoritarian government, neoliberalism and the far-right political agenda. Or the best: “anti-democratic diversion” !! We even hear the argument that we look like the Erdogan regime over time.

We do not have a junta. Nor anti-democratic diversion. The main problem is not the cops, nor the authoritarianism of the Right government. Of course, the core of the Right is fascist in the civil sense and is dangerous. We would prefer it not to exist. The militarization and modernization of police policy (eg demonstrations) follows the standards of normal European states (I do not hide the fact that the Right is capable of making them a salad and in this area, the Left has more background). The problems of the Greek state are, however, much broader and I can not mention here. They start from the constant crisis of capitalism from the 70’s and the geopolitical reorganizations (which are tectonic) to the reduction of the population and the growth that will never come. The Left is trying to solve these problems together and I really do not want to know what it would be enough to do to defend the territorial aspirations of the Greek state. The battle between the Left and the Right will be the spiral movement that will complete the State policy of disciplining the subjugated populations in the standards of the military management of the migrant populations for the lower strata, sometimes with cops, sometimes with allowances, sometimes with allowances, when with understanding. A battle that will try to work disorientingly from the real issues of the social war. The good thing is that this battle will affect a smaller and smaller part of the population. In September 1996, 23.6% abstained from the elections, while in July 2019, 42.2%. [3] Already, The intensity of the social war in the last 15 years has forced the political system not only into a crisis of representation but also to be governed by a political unit that governs us to this day and consists of the full range of political forces from the far right to the far left. SYRIZA and the defense witnesses of Koufontina were once extreme left). From 2010 onwards he rules a mixture of this political staff (today a mixture of ND-PASOK-LAOS and former leftists).

Of course, the story is created by the real movements of people. From our point of view, only a revolutionary strategy that draws on the proposals of libertarian communism and presses firmly on the substantiated analysis of reality can give us possibilities. Understanding the relationship between social and transnational warfare and the visibility of this relationship away from the attempt to obscure it in political theater (wherever it comes from) are essential to such documentation.

[1] “How the junta of Athens fell”. By Steven W. Roberts
https://tvxs.gr/news/taksidia-sto-xrono/pos-epese-i-xoynta-tis-athinas-mia-xreokopia-sto-mikroskopio-toy-stiben-b-ro

[2] George Grivas, a hero for the fascists and rightly so, is a person who brings together many important moments of Greek state policy. He fought in the Asia Minor Campaign (eg at the Battle of Sangari), a supporter of the silk dictatorship during which he was promoted professionally, founder of Organization X during the Occupation and envoy of the Greek state in the 1950s as founder of EOKA, again in the 60’s after the independence of Cyprus and with the government of G. Papandreou and finally the founder of EOKA B ‘who carried out the coup of ’74 in Cyprus – although he did not manage to see it, the four had carried the furniture.

[3] Results of National Elections (1996 – 2019)
https://socioscope.gr/dataset/greek-election-results

* From here: https://blackathena.squat.net/xounta73/

https://www.anarkismo.net/article/32231



Source: Awsm.nz