«Where to go, what to do with that need for the absolute, that desire to fight, that deaf will to escape despite everything from the city and from life without possible escape?
We needed a rule. Fulfill and give oneself: to be. I understand, in the light of this introspection, the easy success of the charlatans who offer young people their cheap rules: “March in step framed and believe in Me”. For lack of better … It is the inadequacy of others that makes the Führer strong: in the absence of a worthy flag, one marches behind the unworthy flags; in the absence of pure metal, one lives on false money ». (Victor Serge “Memoirs of a Revolutionary”).

Few other words like these uttered by Victor Serge at the beginning of 1940 express extremely topical contents where the unpredictability of phenomena is replicated on a daily basis, in a contradictory and at times strongly regressive reality for our class; an alarming reality, which must in any case be recognized because identification is the first practical step to fight and overcome hostilities.

The attack on the national headquarters of the CGIL on 9 October undoubtedly refers to the dawn of the Fascist period, when the squads launched a bloody and generalized attack on the political and mass organizations of the labor and trade union movement; an attack matured as a consequence of another less obvious but no less lethal phenomenon: the use of crowds, which fascism was able to practice with skill.

Leading the assault on the national headquarters of the most representative Italian trade union not only for the number of members but for its ultra-secular history, there was a handful of squads who had planned the action certainly also counting on the passivity of the so-called forces of order, diligent and effective in intervening against the workers’ garrisons in front of the factories and the opposition movements, but absent or distracted when it comes to intervening to stop the fascist insurgency in the bud. But behind these well-known exponents of neo-fascism there was also and above all the crowd in its most contradictory and exasperated components.

Therefore, maximum solidarity with the CGIL and an applause to those basic trade unions that have set aside any controversy by solidarizing with the CGIL and, above all, with the workers it represents but, beyond the necessary solidarity, the assault refers to the need for analysis that we try to expose in the following schematic points, partial and therefore certainly not exhaustive, aware that when these pages will be printed they will need to be updated in order to press ahead with events.

The pandemic has exacerbated the contradictions of an economic crisis that has persisted for over a decade which has increased inequalities and social injustice;
the containment of trade union demands, pursued by the confederal leadership groups (CGIL – CISL – UIL) and by the old parties of the historical left (PCI, PSI) since the 1970s, did not produce the reforms that were raved at the time, but has facilitated those restructuring processes that have characterized the production of goods, services and the labor market, redesigning the social structure of our country based on the needs of extraction and accumulation of profits to the detriment of the living conditions of female workers , of substantial sectors of the middle class and, above all, of the weakest social strata of our class, in the first place women and the immigrant workforce, destroying welfare,expanding the scourge of insecurity and over-exploitation with the cancellation of fundamental collective rights;
protests are growing among the oppressed social classes, often culminating in the anger and despair of those who see no alternative to their own condition of marginalization and immiseration; it follows the loss of trust in all representation; in such a context the crisis of the trade union organization develops in its broadest sense, and even the confederal leadership groups are no longer able to effectively moderate the social conflict and lose the concertative role on which they had built their efficiency, as well as dozens of thousands of members every year, in a real process of de-unionization. But the crisis also involves the basic trade unions which, despite the efforts undertaken with renewed united intent, such as the general strike of 11 October last,
the ongoing struggles at GKN and in other situations of industry, logistics and services, although they have expressed high levels of conflict and experimented with forms of self-organization, overcoming the contrast between acronyms, operate in an extremely hostile context that does not give evidence to in their favor, they suffer the pressure of unfavorable power relations between capital and labor and, despite the profuse energies and the stimulated and collected solidarity, they are unable to generalize to wider levels;
the movements that for identification purposes only we accept to call “no vax” and “no green pass”,they are the product of this widespread situation of defeat to which, it must be said, the failure of reformist policies cannot be said to be extraneous with all the consequences of the case also in terms of the loss of confidence and class awareness on the part of consistent workers and proletarian strata turning right. All these movements are composite and contradictory from a social and class point of view; they also express behavioral characteristics that bring them closer to the crowd which, due to its characteristics, is not necessarily fascist nor necessarily proletarian, because the crowd is inevitably interclassist and, as such, inevitably exposed to events, exploitation and the inevitable fascist infiltration .
the attack on the CGIL directed by unquestionably fascist elements was born in the aforementioned contexts, and was also facilitated by the long series of repressive actions by the employers and the institutional apparatus of the state, which in recent months, and on several occasions, have launched themselves against the workers’ garrisons and the struggles of male and female workers, repressive actions which are mostly minimized and removed and which have reached levels of solidarity that are not up to the seriousness of the facts;
the proof that the crowd is not necessarily fascist is then given by the experience of the dock workers who, in some important realities, have given themselves an autonomous organization by siding against the green pass with great radicalism and determination. These realities, like those of road transport, are rooted and representative and express a condition of discomfort that goes far beyond the workplace, to immerse themselves in the contradictions of the territories, managing to counter, if not completely avert, the fascist infiltration;
these realities, despite having prestigious trade union and political experiences behind them, are aggregating on a goal born among the composite and contradictory crowds. They declare that they are fighting for all Italian workers in a sincere united intent that rejects compromises (the free buffer for all and for all), until the complete abolition of the green pass. The declaration is correct as the objective, on the other hand, and the roots in some important realities such as the port of Trieste is the proof that it is an achievable objective. But the choice to set a goal such as the abolition of the green pass, born and pursued in an inter-class context that makes it fragile and not necessarily unitary, at the center of a union and class aggregation in a phase of violent employer attack on the living conditions of the lower classes, does it appear really credible? Why not link the opposition to the green pass to other unitary objectives such as the defense of work, wages and the reduction of (working) hours for equal pay, enhancing, strengthening and extending the organizational experiences and mobilizations of the GKN and other united initiatives of struggle? These are questions that we believe to be legitimate also because there is a well-founded danger of going into a clash with the government of big capital surrounded by the crowd and not by the class with a fragile and not necessarily unitary objective if pursued in isolation, such as the abolition of the green pass. Some answers will come from the precipitate of events,

La pandemia ha accresciuto le disuguaglianze e l’ingiustizia sociale

Source: Awsm.nz