June 9, 2021
From The Free
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In the villages, cities and regions of Rojava, in the predominantly Kurdish north east of Syria, political upheaval has resulted in the largely decentralised self-administration of many areas, including health, economy, law, education and internal security.

June 4, 2021 · 6 min read Outside of a Komîngeh (credit: Ramazan Mendanlioglu)

Drawing on first-hand experience in Rojava, Ramazan Mendanlioglu explores how radical decentralisation and self-administration look in practice

The Rojava revolution led to both the secularisation and democratisation of institutions that had, until then, been controlled by an elitist-centralist national state. But what exactly does this mean? How is Rojava’s decentralisation expressed in everyday life?

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Administration and politics

Located in north eastern Rojava, Amûdê County demonstrates what decentralisation and self-administration can look like in practice.

Starting at the end of government rule in 2012, its communes, district people’s council and the municipality (Şaredarî) were all subjected to processes of democratisation.

This has meant that the administration and politics of the city of Amûdê are now shaped by the people themselves.

The city is divided into four quarters, which together make up 31 communes. Each commune includes about 100 to 250 households. One to four communes each share a komîngeh (neighbourhood office), a public space that anyone can visit during opening hours – even just to drink tea.

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The process of local self-government in these neighbourhoods can be divided between two main areas: administration (the basic supply and distribution of resources) and politics (law, culture, education and health).

The decentralised processes in Rojava provide a demonstrable alternative to the centralist tendency of nation states and the problems they create in the mosaic Middle East

These two areas are organised by specific commissions at all political levels, from the communes up. Typical commissions include health, economy, defence, education, art and culture.

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Honouring those who die resisting Turkey and ISIS

In addition to linking horizontally, these commissions also link and communicate with each other vertically. For example, the defence commission of a commune organises the HPC (civil defence forces) at the local level.

At the same time, it meets with the defence commissions of the next higher unit of the district defence commission, while the district defence commission exchanges information with the cantonal defence commission, and so on. Written reports thus reach the top from below, while at the same time coordinative top-down processes take place.

In elections for the co-chairs of commissions, only residents of the respective commune are eligible for election. Before the revolution, the national state appointed administrators who not only did not speak Kurdish but an elitist bureaucratic Arabic. Today, the neighbourhood offices are run by people from the neighbourhood who share the same everyday language and life with the residents.

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Democratisation from the communes

The active persons in the communes carry out two basic types of tasks. First, the communes carry out logistical and distributive tasks, such as regulating the distribution of relief goods, fuel and electricity (via generators). Second, activists in the communes (co-chairs and commission members as well as the activists of the women’s commune) are also active in social and legal matters.

Every bureaucratic matter starts with the communes. For example, if somebody wants to get married or go abroad, they first need a document from their commune office. The komîngeh also serves as the contact point for those in economic need or for social and family disputes. In coordination with other commissions at the city level, women’s meetings, educational activities or people’s meetings are organised.

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This everyday aspect of the communes has proven its worth in times of war, especially in terms of collective security. As an active citizenry breeds a collective familiarity, residents are attuned to observing the unusual. Many terror cells have been discovered and dissolved as residents report suspicious activity to their commune, which is then followed up by the defence commission.

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Those who are active in the communes do not receive financial compensation for their efforts, which can prove difficult when they must also ensure their economic livelihoods. But compensation comes in the form of other resources gained from their work: social networks, education, knowledge.

They become friends and establish diverse relationships with people from their neighbourhood and other communes, developing a rich understanding of the political and administrative governance of their city.

Above all, this kind of experience and knowledge is a new phenomenon for people at the grassroots, providing an opportunity for communities to govern themselves.

Women in the communes

Every commune has a women’s assembly that takes care of women’s affairs and also serves as a contact point for women. Women also administer and make politics in the public sphere.

A co-chair system ensures that every commune has both a male and female co-chair, breaking with the strong patriarchal representation that characterises the centralised state.

Along with some practical advantages, this system has significant feminist-revolutionary symbolic power. But representation is only one part of a subtle and comprehensive process of addressing and transforming old attitudes and building new egalitarian social relations in the process. Womens assembly near Qamislo (Credit: Janet Biehl)

The co-chairs of all the communes of the city meet in a large monthly district council meeting, where the city municipality or, if necessary, representatives of other offices are also brought in.

There are often heated debates between the commune co-chairs and the municipality when it comes to infrastructural points. Much is needed, but resources are few.

The decentralised processes in Rojava provide a demonstrable alternative to the centralist tendency of nation states and the problems they create in the mosaic Middle East. The significance of Rojava is thus not only the national liberation of the Kurds in western Kurdistan and Syria, but the deepening and widening of democracy, emancipation and participation of society in a decentralised and local form of self-government.

This is the real strength of Rojava – and it is an immense and inspiring strength. The people of Rojava, a small political-geographical entity caught in a conflict between imperialist states and other hostile actors, have managed to build and maintain a fertile democratic experiment.

It is the task of all of us to keep the Rojava experiment on its feet.

Ramazan Mendanlioglu studies northern Syria at the University of Hamburg

This article first appeared in Issue #231 of Red Pepper, People, power, place. Subscribe today to support independent media and get your issue hot off the press!

Thoughts on Rojava: an interview with Janet Biehl | ROAR …
Amazon.com: Janet Biehl: Books, Biography, Blog ...

https://roarmag.org/essays/janet-biehl-interview/JanetBiehl has traveled to Rojava twice in the past year and has written extensively about her experiences and observations while visiting the autonomous cantons in northern Syria. She is the author of the book Ecology or Catastrophe: The Life of Murray Bookchin.

Explaining the Map

The name ‘Rojava’ usually refers to the revolution in the Kurdish majority area of Nth Syria. However Turkey has twice invaded, occupied and is Turkifying, in the far west canton of Afrin (left part of light green on map) where most Kurds have lost everything and survive in IDP refugee camps, and similarily in the central border area (dark grey).

The yellow part of the map includes Arab and multi ethnic majority areas of Manbij and Raqqa, seized from ISIS, which are successfully integrating into the Rojava Revolution, called the Autonomous Administration AANES (there is no policy to leave Syria).

A whole range of militias, Arab, Syriac, Turkmen, Christian, Womens, Yezidi joined the Rojava defense groups YPG and YPJ to form the SDF (Syrian Democratic Forces) which conquered Raqqa and chased the defeated ISIS all the way to Deir Es Zor, with backing from the western anti ISIS Coalition air forces, mainly the USA.

Deir Es Zor east of the river remains in the AANES area, but with resistance from ISIS and Arab tribal chiefs and is accused of being a policeman for US occupation and control of Syrian oil in the region.

The blockaded AANES and Rojava revolution is in a dangerous position as it can only survive against Turkey, the Syrian Arab Army (SAA), ISIS, and Iran with continuing Coalition (USA) air support. However currently they and all Syria are suffering heavily with the collapse of the Syrian currency due to heavy US sanctions…..




Source: Thefreeonline.wordpress.com